Tag Archives: Kaiser Family Foundation

Healthcare Costs: We’ve Had Enough!

Healthcare is consuming an ever-greater share of corporate America’s balance sheet. According to the latest Kaiser Family Foundation survey, today’s employers spend, on average, $12,591 for family coverage—a 54% increase since 2005.

Some companies have finally had enough. Twenty of America’s largest corporations—including American Express, Coca-Cola and Verizon—recently formed a coalition called the Health Transformation Alliance. They’re planning to pool their four million employees’ healthcare data to figure out what’s working and what’s a waste of money.

Eventually, they could leverage their collective purchasing power to negotiate better deals with healthcare providers.

It’s a worthwhile experiment. The government has largely failed to rein in spiraling healthcare costs; in fact, by over-regulating the healthcare marketplace, it’s largely made the problem worse.

The private sector will have to take matters into its own hands and find ways to creatively deploy market forces to its benefit.

Collectively, U.S. employers provide health coverage to about 170 million Americans. Because many pay part—if not all—of their workers’ premiums, they’ve borne the brunt of the upward march of healthcare costs. According to the Kaiser Family Foundation, premiums for employer-based family insurance have increased 27% over the last five years, and 61% over the last 10.

Unfortunately, this growth won’t slow any time soon. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that average premiums for employer-based family coverage will reach $24,500 in 2025—a 60% increase over premiums today.

Understandably, companies are desperate to find ways to curb their healthcare spending.

Last year, one of every three employers reported increasing cost-sharing for employees, through higher deductibles or co-payments. Another 15% said they cut worker hours to avoid falling afoul of Obamacare’s employer mandate, which requires firms to provide health insurance to anyone working 30 or more hours a week.

See Also: Radical Approach on Healthcare Crisis

But shifting costs elsewhere simply masks employers’ health-cost problem. They’ll have to address inefficiencies in the way healthcare is delivered to bring about savings that will actually stick.

The Health Transformation Alliance sees three primary ways to do so.

First, companies will have to mine their healthcare data for insight, just as they analyze the numbers for sales, operations and other core business functions.

The Alliance will examine de-identified data on employees’ health spending and outcomes. The hope is to determine which providers are delivering the best care at the lowest cost and to then direct workers toward these high-performing providers.

The U.S. healthcare sector today is awash with ambiguity and a lack of transparency. A knee replacement can cost $50,000 at one hospital but $30,000 at another. Two hospitals may offer the same price on a procedure, but one may have a higher rate of infection.

Such differences matter. According to a 2013 report in the Journal of the American Medical Association, an infection can add, on average, $39,000 to a surgery’s price tag.

Second, employers will have to use their combined buying power to secure better deals on healthcare. Tevi Troy, the CEO of the American Health Policy Institute, the organizing force behind the Alliance, said, “If you brought together multiple employers, you would have more leverage, more covered lives, more coverage throughout the country in terms of regional scope.”

In other words, there’s safety—and potentially lower healthcare costs—in numbers.

Third, employers will have to educate their workers about how they can secure better care at lower costs.

Most consumers are clueless about where they should seek healthcare. They may welcome a gentle nudge from their employer toward a high-quality, low-cost clinic or provider. If it saves their bosses some money, all the better.

See Also: What Should Prescriptions Cost?

And as the Alliance hopes to prove, it’s a lot easier to borrow another company’s successful strategy for executing those nudges than to create one from scratch. An educational campaign that resonates with Verizon’s 178,000 employees, for instance, may do just the same with IBM’s 300-some-thousand staffers.

As Marc Reed, chief administrative officer of Verizon, explained, “What we’re trying to do is to make this sustainable so that kind of coverage can continue.”

Corporate America has been saying for years it cannot afford the healthcare status quo, with costs rising ceaselessly. But if employers use their healthcare data wisely—and capitalize on their collective bargaining power—they may discover that salvation from their health-cost woes lies within.

obamacare

Next PR Problem for Obamacare

There is a big PR problem brewing, one receiving very little attention in the media or in industry publications. It’s one I think will resonate among those who typically support the politicians who supported the Affordable Care Act.

The issue stems from the delay in the 1094/1095 reporting under section 6055 and 6056 of the IRS code specifically created under the Affordable Care Act. In English: This is the reporting requirement for carriers and employers that lets the government know if an offer of coverage was made to a particular employee, if it met certain requirements and if it was “affordable” according to one of several calculations set forth by the bill. If an “applicable large employer” does not report or does not meet the minimum requirements for coverage and affordability, there are serious fines at play.

The deadline for the first reports, barring any further delays, is March 31.  (The initial deadline was pushed back because of the burden on employers.)

Why is this important? Well, Obamacare established subsidies to help reduce out-of-pocket costs. The subsidy amount is based on household income in relation to the federal poverty level. Your job also must not offer insurance that meets the requirements about the base level of coverage and affordability. Without employer reporting, however, the government has, thus far, relied on individuals’ assessments of coverage and affordability.

Even if the employer plan meets the affordability test, most people would still call their plans through their employer “unaffordable.” The confusion is compounded by something the industry refers to as the “family glitch.” Let’s say I am offered coverage at my job, and my employer pays 80% of the premium for me. But my employer pays nothing toward the cost of carrying my dependents, an all-too-common scenario. This coverage would likely meet the affordability test for my coverage alone, on the lowest-cost plan my employer offers. If my employer pays nothing toward my family, however, it could easily cost me $1,000 or more per month out of my pay to cover my family. That’s clearly not affordable to most Americans, but, because my coverage met the test, the entire household becomes ineligible for a subsidy.

You could have hundreds of thousands of people who honestly believed their coverage was not affordable, didn’t think their employers plan met the coverage requirements or outright lied because there appeared to be no one checking. These people received what could amount to significant subsidies they weren’t entitled to.

Technically, they received an advanced tax credit. If it is determined you were not eligible for that tax credit, you now have a liability, and it is widely believed the IRS will have the right to garnish wages, freeze assets and place liens on property.

How much are we talking here? Well, I have seen subsides as big as $1,500 per month. The average is around $2,890 per year, per person (according to the Kaiser Family Foundation). So, if a family of four owes the entire year back at the average subsidy, we are talking more than $10,000 a year plus (most likely) penalties and interest from the IRS.

What is the average working person going to do if he gets a demand for $1,000 from the IRS? $10,000?  More? And if the IRS exerts the same force it does on normal tax debts, things such as frozen bank accounts, liens and garnished wages could follow pretty quickly.

All in all, this reporting we are now preparing for employers will likely have significant financial impact on many American workers who should not have received the subsidy to begin with. In all likelihood, many did not fully understand that.

The timing of all this will largely depend on how quickly the government aggregates the data it is collecting from numerous sources.

But get ready for what I believe will be a vocal, angry and desperate group of people with compelling stories facing a very difficult financial situation.

Will Rubio’s Measure Undermine ACA?

Republicans stated goal is to “repeal and replace” the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act. That hasn’t happened and won’t at least through the remainder of President Barack Obama’s term. So a secondary line of attack is to undermine the ACA. And Sen. Marco Rubio has had success in that regard.

As reported by The Hill, Sen. Rubio accomplished this feat by weakening the ACA’s risk corridors program. Whether this is a long- or short-term victory is being determined in Washington now. We’ll know the answer by Dec. 11.

President Obama and Congress recognized that, given the massive changes to the market imposed by the ACA, health plans would have difficulty accurately setting premiums. Without some protection against under-pricing risk, carriers’ inclinations would be to price conservatively. The result would be higher than necessary premiums.

To ease the transition to the new world of healthcare reform, the ACA included three major market stabilization programs. One of them, the risk corridors program, as described by the Kaiser Family Foundation, “limits losses and gains beyond an allowable range.” Carriers experiencing claims less than 97% of a targeted amount pay into a fund; health plans with claims greater than 103% of that target receive funds.

The risk corridor began in 2014 and expires in 2016. As drafted, if payments into the fund by profitable insurers were insufficient to cover what was owed unprofitable carriers the Department of Health and Human Services could draw from other accounts to make up the difference.

Sen. Rubio doesn’t like risk corridors. He considers them “taxpayer-funded bailouts of insurance companies at the Obama administration’s sole discretion.” In 2014, he managed to insert a policy rider into a critical budget bill preventing HHS from transferring money from other accounts into the risk corridors program.

The impact of this rider has been profound.

In October, HHS announced a major problem with the risk corridors program: Insurers had submitted $2.87 billion in risk corridor claims for 2014, but the fund had taken in only $362 million. As a result, payments for 2014 losses would amount to just 12.6 cents on the dollar.

This risk corridor shortage is a major reason so many of the health co-ops established under the ACA have failed and may be a factor in United Health Group’s decision to consider withdrawing from the law’s health insurance exchanges. (United Health was not owed any reimbursement from the fund but likely would feel more confident if the subsidies were available).

The Obama administration certainly sees this situation as undermining the Affordable Care Act. In announcing the shortage, HHS promised to make carriers whole by, if possible, paying 2014 subsidies out of payments received in 2015 and 2016. However, the ability to do so is “subject to the availability of appropriations.” Which means Congress must cooperate.

That brings us back to Sen. Rubio’s policy rider. It needs to be part of the budget measure Congress must pass by Dec. 11 to avoid a government shutdown. If the policy rider is not included in that legislation, HHS is free to transfer money into the risk corridor program fund from other sources.

Sen. Rubio and other Republicans are pushing hard to ensure HHS can’t rescue the risk corridors program, claiming to have already saved the public $2.5 billion from a “crony capitalist bailout program.” Democrats and some insurers, seeing what’s occurred as promises broken, are working just as hard to have the rider removed.

By Dec. 11, we’ll know whether the ACA is further undermined or bolstered.

Why to Self-Fund Health Benefits

The passage of the Affordable Care Act in 2010 continues to redefine the employer-sponsored healthcare market. Increased regulatory and fiduciary responsibilities, employer mandates and rising medical premiums have forced employers to evaluate all cost-effective strategies for providing health benefits to employees. One strategy, self-funding, remains an attractive alternative to the traditional fully insured and association-style health plans.

In a self-funded environment, the employer will assume the role of the insurer and agree to pay the medical claims incurred by the plan’s members and dependents. A good percentage of self-funded plans will also use reinsurance and captive risk tools to provide protection from both large individual claims and the plan’s collective utilization.

While self-funding has gained momentum as a result of healthcare reform, it is not a new concept. In 1999, a Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF) study reported that 44% of employer-sponsored healthcare was self-funded. That number has now reportedly grown to 61% in 2014.

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Why Is Everyone So Interested?

Health benefits continue to be one of the greatest expenses for employers. This fact, compounded with the continual rate increases (with little to no justification), leaves employers feeling stuck in an endless cycle. Some also may feel that their employees are a generally healthy group that is a good candidate to self-fund.

Many turn to self-funding because of:

  • Lower fixed costs-The majority of the expense is incurred in the payment of actual medical claims, increasing the margin for savings when the plan performs well.
  • Improved transparency-An increase in premiums is easier to swallow if the employer can get an accurate understanding of its claims experience. Self-funded health plans provide employers with a tremendous amount of data. Accurate claims data strengthens the group’s ability to effectively control spending on claims.
  • Control of the plan design-Self-funded health plans are in a better position to adjust benefits and control increased provider costs. Unlike fully insured products, a self-funded plan design can be structured to meet the specific needs of the group and not an insurer’s overall population.
  • Tax savings-Fully insured premiums continue to jump to accommodate new provisions as a result of the ACA. Self-funded plan sponsors avoid items like the new Health Insurance Industry Tax, which will increase from 2% to 5% in coming years.

With the increased interest comes new strategies and opportunities as the self-funding marketplace evolves. Self-funded plan sponsors are reaping the benefits of evolving provider network and cost containment strategies. Meanwhile, employers that have yet to make the transition see obstacles lessen because of changes in the reinsurance and captive markets.

What Does This Mean for Employer Groups?

Self-Funded Feasibility Studies Are a Must

There is a strong likelihood that every corporation or public entity with 1,000 employees or more has at least heard about self-funding. However, depending on the number of employees on your health plan, it is quite possible that you have not evaluated self-funding, at least in a thorough way.

A deeper look into the composition of employers participating shows us that group size typically has a direct correlation on whether a self-funded strategy is being used. According to the 2014 KFF study, the breakdown of corporations self-funding is:

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Historically, size has mattered. While all groups with more than 200 employees have a responsibility to evaluate the method as an alternative, those employer groups in the less-than-200 range are seeing more opportunity to make the transition. Lessening participation thresholds to lease competitive provider networks and new reinsurance and captive products are creating total-cost scenarios where the right employer can realize the advantages of self-funding. It can still be a challenge when certain market dynamics are present (i.e., lack of claims data, available provider network options, pending legislative actions, etc.), but more and more companies are finding success.

One More Step

The large insurance companies have noticed the changing market, as well, of course, and have introduced a number of bundled plans that look like self-funding. These products are typically entirely owned by one entity, like an insurance company or trust, and allow the employer to participate in a pre-determined portion of any surplus when the group experiences lower-than-expected claims. These products are attractive because they pull together under one brand all the component vendors of a self-funded health plan (i.e., claims administrator, network, reinsurance, etc.). These products can be a great first step for employers weary of self-funding through their own independent health plan. The products will allow them to gain insight into their claims performance while alleviating some of the additional work associated with the wholly owned approach.

For those groups already in these products, it may be time to evaluate taking that next step and realizing the benefits of a wholly owned approach. Reinsurance policies with specific advance and monthly aggregate accommodation can give these employers the ability to still limit their maximum exposure, lower their plan’s fixed costs and keep all of the savings when the plan performs well.

With the tools available today, any employer group in a packaged, shared funded or full ASO model plan is a candidate to complete the transition to a self-funded plan. While the packaged, branded approaches employed by some of the major insurance companies may work for a season, deconstructing the bundled product may be the next step in the employer’s long-term strategy.

Fine-Tuning Your Self-Funded Plan

There are many companies that have been enjoying the benefits of self-funding for years. As a result of the ACA, however, these employers have had to react to escalating medical costs, expensive specialty drugs and increased regulatory and fiduciary responsibilities.

For instance, self-funded health plans typically “lease” provider networks from a large insurance company. But, in 2010, the ACA removed lifetime and annual maximums from health plans, and the number of high-dollar claims has increased substantially. The networks provide discounts on fees, but the question is how important they are given the increasingly large charges they are being applied toward.

Self-funded health plans are adept in using different types of analytics both to measure historical data and to predict outcomes. This has empowered these health plans to fine tune their plans and integrate various cost-containment strategies.

$1 Million Reward to Show Wellness Works

We hope at least a few of you have lamented –we’ll settle for noticed — our absence from ITL for the last six months. There are two reasons.

First, in the immortal words of the great philosopher Gerald Ford, “When a man is asked to make a speech, the first thing he has to do is decide what to say.” We needed something compelling to say, and at this point yet-another-vendor-making-up-outcomes is old news. In any event, there is now an entire website devoted to that topic. (New news:  US Preventive Medicine is NOT making up its outcomes. It is the first wellness vendor to be validated.)

Second, we have spent the last six months answering the perennial question: “So what would you do instead?” by developing www.quizzify.com. Quizzify teaches employees that “just because it’s healthcare doesn’t mean it’s good for you,” and does it in an enjoyable Jeopardy-meets-health-education-meets-Comedy Central way, as playing the demo game will show. Quizzify’s savings are, uniquely in this industry, 100% guaranteed.

But we digress. The news of the day is that we want to settle once and for all the he said-she said debate about whether wellness saves money, and we’ll do it the old-fashioned way: by offering a million-dollar reward for anyone who can show that wellness isn’t a horrible investment. All someone has to do is show that the employer community as a whole breaks even on its wellness investment.

The inspiration for this reward came when a group calling itself “The Global Wellness Institute Roundtable” released a report criticizing us for “mud-slinging on ROI.” (In other words, “proving that there is no ROI.”) We are not familiar with this group. Their headliner seems to be a Dr. Michael Roizen. If that name sounds familiar, it’s because he used to work with Dr. Oz, though to Dr. Roizen’s credit he was not implicated in the congressional investigation of Dr. Oz.

This $1-million reward is – as an attorney recently posted– a binding legal contract. It is also totally fair. The “pro” party is allowed to use the wellness industry’s own “official” outcomes report, which was compiled with no input from anyone opposed to wellness. Further, the panel of judges is selected from an independent email list, run by healthcare policy impresario Peter Grant. This is no ordinary independent email list—this is the invitation-only “A List” of healthcare policymakers, economists, journalists and government officials who make, influence or report the decisions and rules we live by. The “pro” party invites two people, we invite two and those four pick the fifth. This is truly the ultimate in fairness.

Unfortunately, “fairness” is perhaps the second-scariest word to a wellness vendor (“validity” being the first), so there is no chance of anyone taking us up on this. (There is a slight risk in challenging us—whichever party loses has to pay the expenses of the contest, including the panelist fees. This will run likely $100,000. Still, that makes the proposition at worst 10-to-one odds, and the “pro” forces get their $100,000 back if they win.)

Not being taken up on this offer is, of course, the entire point of making the offer. The wellness industry’s inaction will prove what numerous gaffes and misstatements  have already revealed: Wellness industry leaders know that wellness loses money. For them, wellness is all about maintaining the façade of saving money so that they don’t get fired from the employers they’ve been snookering.